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63 pages 2 hours read

Truman

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 1992

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Part 2, Chapters 7-8Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 7 Summary: “Try, Try Again”

In Chapter 7, McCullough examines Truman’s life and actions in the first years of World War II. The Battle of Britain started in July 1940, and London was subjected to the German Blitz from the air for months. The US, while still officially neutral, increased its support for Britain through Lend-Lease in 1941, offering it supplies and weapons on credit. In June, Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union, and Lend-Lease was extended to the Soviets.

In February 1941, Truman initiated a committee for awarding defense contracts that came to be known as the Senate Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program. One of the key goals of the committee was to tackle contracts defined as cost-plus—a type of contract in which suppliers would frequently overcharge. Eventually, this initiative was successful. Truman gained the respect of his colleagues, and the media issued praise. Time magazine said it was “among the outstanding successes of the entire war effort” (328). Some called it “the most successful congressional investigative effort in American history” (331).

The Truman Committee uncovered scandals. For instance, Alcoa, the Aluminum Company of America, a giant in lightweight metals, and Standard Oil, both continued doing business with Nazi Germany. The actions of Alcoa led to Germany having significantly more magnesium for manufacturing than the US Standard Oil, in turn, denied US rubber manufacturers because it gave Germany’s Farben Company control of patents in exchange for a monopoly in oil.

The US entered the war on December 8, 1941, after Pearl Harbor. Early 1942 brought the Japanese conquest of Singapore and the Bataan Death March. The War Production Board oversaw supplies procurement and production from 1942. The Truman Committee, in turn, oversaw its functioning. Despite disagreements, the committee supported the board because Truman saw winning the war as a priority. The group generated 21 reports by 1943 featuring everything from farm machinery to the damage done to US shipping by German U-boats. Meanwhile, at home, Truman’s daughter Margaret proved to be an excellent singer and thought of a career in music. Bess was on the office payroll, which was not uncommon. She also enjoyed the capital more than before. The Trumans, McCullough says, “remained an extremely close-knit family, their social schedule modest, their way of life private and quiet” (327).

Chapter 8 Summary: “Numbered Days”

Chapter 8 covers the period between 1943 and Truman replacing Franklin D. Roosevelt as president when the latter died in April 1945. During this time, Truman became Roosevelt’s vice president. The author examines the behind-the-scenes maneuvering within the Democratic Party and Roosevelt’s indecision about selecting his VP. In fact, McCullough says, Roosevelt “never pursued a more Byzantine course than in his handling of this question” (371). It was particularly pressing because Roosevelt was in his third term, his health was failing, and the country was at war.

Alternative choices for Roosevelt included politicians Jimmy Byrnes, Sam Rayburn, and Truman. At first, Byrnes appeared to be the favorite, yet Wallace beat him in the polls. Behind the scenes, Roosevelt knew that Byrnes “had no chance,” but neglected to tell him. At the same time, McCullough says, the President “assured Wallace that he was his choice as running mate and that he intended the fourth term to be ‘really progressive’” (375). In July 1944, Wallace was polling at 65 percent among Democratic voters, while Truman had only 2 percent. At the same time, Roosevelt routinely told people that he was not favoring anybody.

Truman, McCullough says, “was determined to stay out of the running” for many reasons including “his Pendergast background” that would be harmful to Roosevelt (384). He valued the reputation he earned in the senate. However, the chair of the Democratic National Committee, Robert Hannegan, who helped Truman’s political career before, stated that they had a letter from Roosevelt naming Truman as his choice. For Truman, the National Democratic Convention in Chicago in July 1944 was, McCullough says, “three or four of the most critical days of his life and they were beyond his control” (389). Roosevelt told Hannegan to relay to Truman that “if he wants to break up the Democratic party in the middle of the war” then he could refuse the VP role (390). Ultimately, Truman scored 1,031 and Wallace—only 105.

During the presidential election, Roosevelt and Truman won in 36 of the 48 states by three million votes total. It was obvious by the inauguration in January 1945 the extent to which Roosevelt’s health was failing. Truman was vice president for 82 days before Roosevelt’s death in April 1945. When Truman learned of Roosevelt’s passing, McCullough says, he “was unable to speak” (419).

Chapters 7-8 Analysis

In this section, the theme of War and Character features prominently. Just as World War I became a turning point in Truman’s life, World War II was a formative event for Truman’s political career. It allowed him to prove himself through his committee investigating national defense spending. Here, Truman came into his own. McCullough writes, “His obscurity in national life, and in the course of the war, was about to end—and it was of his own doing” (300). As in the previous chapters, the events of World War II appear as vignettes providing background without in-depth analysis, while Truman’s life remains at the forefront.

The Truman Committee displayed the kind of gradual progress for which Truman was known. It started as a small undertaking with a modest budget and developed into a large bipartisan group saving the country billions of dollars, deterring corruption linked to government contracts, and saving lives. It was this kind of work that gained Truman the trust and respect of fellow legislators. And it is this type of work that relates to The Rise of an Underdog theme. The author develops this theme by juxtaposing Roosevelt and Truman. Whereas Truman was only in his second term as senator, Roosevelt was in his 12th year as president. Roosevelt liked to give the media a show of charm and eloquence. Truman, on the other hand, spoke plainly and was less of an orator. Roosevelt was of privileged social background and education, whereas Truman could not afford to go to college. Roosevelt pursued a confusing, “Byzantine course” when choosing his vice president, whereas Truman was straightforward and refrained from manipulation. Even when Truman was a senator, money remained a problem, according to the author, to the point that putting Bess on the payroll helped. All the more impressive is Truman’s rise in politics. His seeming unpreparedness for being president—which will be tested in the next chapter—is an undercurrent in this framework. Indeed, the chapter ends on a cliffhanger when Truman is informed of Roosevelt’s death.

McCullough notes that the seeds of the Cold War were sown during World War II even though the Americans and the Soviets were allies. When Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union in June 1941, Truman stated, “If we see that Germany is winning we ought to help Russia,” yet “if Russia is winning we ought to help Germany, and that way let them kill as many as possible” (305). According to McCullough, Truman, like many Americans, equated Nazi Germany with the Soviet Union because both were authoritarian. Truman did not differentiate between Nazism and Communism. After the war, Truman maintained this sentiment as he called Communism “our next great problem” after Nazism (768).

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