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Content Warning: This section mentions death by suicide.
The opening section of Volume 4 (which was published about a decade after the first three volumes) discusses the various agencies in London that address crime and promote moral and spiritual well-being. The four categories that Mayhew identifies were the curative agencies, the preventative agencies, the repressive and punitive agencies, and the reformative agencies.
A curative agency was one that emphasized religion as the best influence in preventing and addressing crime. Mayhew highlights the British and Foreign Bible Society and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge for their contributions to spreading religious influence through the distribution of biblical Scriptures. The London City Mission and the Church of England Scripture Readers’ Society evangelized through personal visits and readings, while the Religious Tract Society disseminated moral and religious literature. The text commends efforts such as open-air services, theater services, and the use of Scripture readers for reaching marginalized populations and promoting social and spiritual change.
Preventative agencies sought to address the root causes of crime and moral degradation by focusing on social, economic, and educational factors. They include temperance associations and the United Kingdom Alliance, which focused on combatting drunkenness, seeking legislative suppression of the liquor trade, and advocating for eradicating alcohol commerce. This category also includes the ragged schools that provided education and support to underprivileged children, aiming to prevent them from committing crimes because they lacked education and opportunities. Some agencies, such as the Society for Improving the Condition of the Labouring Classes, created better housing and living conditions for the working class, and those such as the Female Servants’ Home Society and Young Women’s Christian Association provided safe spaces for women.
Repressive and punitive agencies aimed to curb social misconduct by using stronger measures. They presupposed the existence of crime and sought to diminish its influence through legal provisions and compulsory actions. They included organizations like The Society for the Suppression of Vice and The Associate Institution, which combated vices such as obscene publications and immoral activities. This category also included the East London Association and the Society for Promoting the Due Observance of the Lord’s Day, which tackled issues like indecency and Sabbath desecration. Another organization in this category was the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, which aimed to prevent animal cruelty through awareness campaigns and legal actions.
Reformative agencies focused on the importance of reformation. Mayhew describes two approaches: One was based on love, kindness, and gentle methods, and the other used stricter discipline and punishment. The Reformatory and Refuge Union was an information and support hub for various reformative institutions in their aims to rescue fallen women through outreach. Other institutions focusing on fallen women were the Magdalen Hospital, the London Female Preventive and Reformatory Institution, and the Society for the Rescue of Young Women and Children.
This section, written by Mayhew, seeks to classify different categories of people, whom he splits into four groups: “those who will work,” “those who cannot work,” “those that will not work,” and “those that need not work.” Mayhew begins with a brief preface acknowledging the misery, vice, ignorance, and want in society. He states his purpose is to shed light on the phenomena surrounding the “outcast” class and to challenge misconceptions. He emphasizes the importance of seeking the truth, stating that facts alone are insufficient without proper generalization and contextualization. In addition, he discusses deductive and inductive reasoning and states his intent to use the inductive approach to understand crime and vice.
Mayhew discusses the roles of workers and nonworkers in society. For example, he highlights the differences between animals and plants in seeking sustenance. Animals must constantly seek sustenance, leading to the need for food intake. He describes the categories of workers: those who can work, those who cannot work due to physical or intellectual limitations, and those who choose not to work. The categorization aims to provide an overview of different societal roles and how individuals contribute to various aspects of community life. Mayhew defines the following worker categories:
Mayhew further divides the workers into two classes: superior (higher-priced) and inferior (lower-priced). The superior category consists of skilled, trustworthy, and well-conditioned workers. The inferior category includes the unskilled, untrustworthy (such as drunken or dishonest workers), and those who can live on less (single individuals and foreigners).
He categorizes nonworkers as follows:
The text then elaborates on subcategories of workers in each category, such as collectors, extractors, growers, makers, and workers in various fields, specifying payment methods and working conditions. The classification extends to those who receive assistance, those employed by different employers, and various working modes.
In addition, Mayhew points out the flaws in the government’s Occupation Abstract of the Census, wherein they fail to adequately address distinctions between commerce, trade, and manufacturing, and between employers and workers. He also delves into the distinctions among nonworkers in society, focusing on those who are unwilling to work but still need to sustain themselves. The author discusses the criminal class and its various categories, including those who plunder by force, deception, gaming, or immoral acts. The passage also differentiates between professional criminals who make a regular living from crime and casual offenders driven by temporary circumstances.
These sections, which occupy a sizeable portion of the volume, covers the topic of sex workers. Section 3, coauthored by Mayhew and Bracebridge Hemyng, covers sex work broadly, discussing sexual morality across cultures and time. Section 4, authored by Hemyng, focuses explicitly on the sex workers of contemporary London.
In Section 3, Mayhew and Hemyng delve into the concept of sex work as a livelihood in the absence of conventional work, examining the multifaceted nature of the profession and debating whether it is a matter of individual preference or a moral principle. They begin by discussing historical examples from civilizations such as Babylon, Egypt, Greece, Rome, and the Hebrews to illustrate their differing stances on moral values and the societal role of women. The primary focus of the discussion lies in comprehending the extent of sex work’s ancient prevalence and its cultural context within societies. They move on to discussing the views on the subject across contemporary cultures, which they split into the categories of “barbarous,” “semi-civilized,” the “northern nations,” and “civilized.” The different categories describe the interplay of societal norms, religious beliefs, and historical influences that shape women’s roles and moral practices in these locations. The prevalence of polygamy, concubinage, and mistreatment of women emerges as a recurring theme in the societies they describe as less civilized.
In Section 4, Hemyng’s portion on sex workers in London, he begins by describing the different categories and their lifestyles. These categories are “kept mistresses” supported by high-status gentlemen; educated girls; domestic servants and lower-class women; and old, impoverished women. The first group consists of ladies supported by wealthy men; they are often kept in separate residences and lead luxurious lives, participating in social events and traveling, and may have been introduced to their patrons through ballrooms or social circles. Despite their affluent lifestyles, these women might be discarded by their patrons for trivial reasons and end up in poverty, workhouses, or hospitals—or even die by suicide.
Hemyng shifts the focus to sex workers living in impoverished London neighborhoods. He illuminates their survival strategies and camaraderie as well as the darker aspects, such as crime and exploitation within the lodging houses of these neighborhoods. He examines the interplay of societal elements, including sailors, sex workers, and the working class, particularly in areas such as Whitechapel. The text exposes the convergence of modern civilization, law enforcement, and the innate challenges those living in these neighborhoods face. The relationships between sailors and women, proliferation of dance halls, and socioeconomic struggles come to the forefront. In addition, Hemyng confronts the reality of human trafficking of women and young girls, highlighting the need for organizations like the Society for the Protection of Women and Children.
This section, authored by John Binny, focuses on the thieves of London. It covers various forms of theft, burglary, and criminal activities in the city. Binny describes their methods as involving distractions, collaboration, and strategic positioning. He also delves into the social dynamics, backgrounds, and training of these criminals, showing how poverty and limited opportunities lead individuals to a life of crime. The criminals he describes range from traditional highwaymen to more modern pickpockets, burglars, and river pirates. Throughout the section, Binny highlights specific locations, such as the Rookery of St. Giles and Spitalfields, as centers of criminal activities. The discussion of forgery encompasses counterfeiting coins, banknotes, cheques, acceptances, and wills, demonstrating the breadth of fraudulent activities during that era. In addition, the passage delves into specific criminal groups, like the “magsmen” or “sharpers,” who use schemes involving card tricks and wagers to deceive victims. Binny portrays embezzlement as a prevalent issue because individuals from various professions exploit their positions for personal gain. Binny uses statistical data to quantify the prevalence and impact of these crimes on different parts of London, along with firsthand accounts of those struggling with poverty, inequality, and crime, and highlights the efforts to reform and address these issues.
The final section, authored by Andrew Halliday, discusses the beggars of London. Halliday begins by outlining how society initially acknowledged (and often supported) the needs of beggars as stemming from age or physical affliction. However, deceit in begging led to the introduction of prohibitive laws against fraudulent beggars. Respect for genuine beggars continued, but their numbers grew after the dissolution of monasteries in the 16th century, creating challenges in distinguishing between people legitimately in need and impostors.
Next, Halliday delves into the evolution of support for the poor in England. The Mendicity Society aims to combat mendicancy, using printed tickets for relief rather than direct monetary support. The Society’s efforts aimed to distinguish deserving cases from impostors and to provide effective relief to those in need. The Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834 sought to address abuses and dependency issues by centralizing relief oversight and instituting workhouses.
Halliday provides examples of the different tactics beggars used to gain sympathy and financial support. Some beggars, known as “Begging-Letter Writers,” adopted respectable appearances and handwriting. Others, like the “Decayed Gentleman,” played on past prosperity and social connections. In addition, Halliday describes beggars who disguise themselves as street vendors to solicit sympathy and donations. He categorizes beggars into various types—such as naval and military beggars, beggars who invent stories based on recent accidents, beggars who manipulate sympathy via crafted narratives and appearances, and foreign beggars—and explores the relationship between sex workers and beggars.
The shift in authorship and thematic focus primarily characterizes Volume 4. Unlike the first three volumes, authored solely by Mayhew, Volume 4 features contributions from several other writers: Hemyng, Binny, and Halliday. Each has a distinct tone and style, potentially resulting in a less cohesive yet more diverse and eclectic reading experience for the audience. The interplay of different voices adds depth and variety to the content, allowing readers to engage with various perspectives and writing approaches.
Furthermore, the content of this Volume 4 reflects a significant thematic departure from the established tone of the earlier volumes. In the decade between the publication of Volume 3 and this one, a substantial shift in focus occurs. While the initial volumes concentrate on exploring ways to assist the impoverished and marginalized members of society, this volume’s emphasis transitions toward a more critical stance. Instead of offering solutions and aid, the narrative now appears to adopt a tone that places blame on the impoverished population, to some extent characterizing them as stubborn and resistant to self-help efforts. This shift in thematic direction suggests a change in societal attitudes and perspectives over the decade between the earlier volumes and this fourth installment, or a broader trend of shifting responsibility from systemic and structural factors to individual behavior, thus reflecting evolving social dynamics and concerns. As a result, Volume 4 offers readers a viewpoint that contrasts with that of the preceding volumes, prompting consideration of the changing narratives surrounding poverty and social responsibility. The sections by the other authors provide a stark contrast to the previous three volumes—for example, between Mayhew’s comments on thieves in the earlier volumes and Binny’s section on thieves. Mayhew’s depiction of the poor and individuals resorting to criminal activities indicates a nuanced understanding of their circumstances. While he avoids explicit approval, his writing delves into the underlying socioeconomic factors that drive people to such desperate measures. Empathy—and an attempt to uncover the complexities of their lives, illuminating the societal conditions that contribute to their actions—characterizes Mayhew’s exploration of criminals. His approach encourages readers to consider the broader context and systemic issues that can lead to criminal behavior, fostering a sense of curiosity and caring rather than condemnation. In contrast, Binny’s portrayal of criminals carries a markedly different tone. His use of harsh language and the implication that criminal tendencies are inherent traits reflects the prevailing attitudes of the time. Binny’s writing attributes criminal behavior to personal deficiencies or moral shortcomings without delving into the broader societal factors that might contribute to such actions. For example, he writes, “Thousands of our felons are trained from their infancy in the bosom of Crime […] frequently the first words they lisp are oaths and curses” (Volume 4, 273). This perspective leans toward oversimplifying the complexities of crime and does not acknowledge the intricate web of circumstances that often push individuals toward criminal paths. By focusing solely on crime as resulting from a person’s inherent nature, Binny’s stance may perpetuate stereotypes rather than contribute to a deeper understanding of the underlying issues.
The largest portion of this volume is devoted to sex workers and the related topic of gender. The issue of how sex work is described often reflects broader societal attitudes and biases, shedding light on the complex intersection of culture, gender, and morality. Volume 4 reflects several intersecting forms of belief by British writers of the 19th century. Here, Mayhew and Hemyng compare sex work in “barbaric” and “civilized” societies, revealing distinct patterns in their perceptions. The descriptions of sex work in “barbaric” and “semi-barbaric” cultures tend to be more elaborate and fantastical, often depicting violence, chaos, and exoticism. These depictions occasionally linger on supposed “savage” practices, emphasizing the societies’ brutality. However, these descriptions often lack specifics, relying on generalizations and stereotypes that perpetuate negative connotations associated with “barbaric” cultures. This approach can reinforce harmful biases, overlooking societies’ diversity and complexity. In the description of New Zealanders, Mayhew and Hemyng write, “Among the heathen population chastity is not viewed in the same light as with us. It not so much required from the woman as from the wife […] With such a social theory, we can expect no general refinement in morality” (Volume 4, 75). This statement centers the writers’ morality as being objectively correct, as the text conveys through the words “heathen” and “refined.” Conversely, when they turn their attention to sex work in “civilized” societies, they take a different approach in their framing. Rather than indulging in the broad-stroke details that border on the sensationalism, the focus narrows to specific cities or locales within these societies. For example, Paris, Rome, and Berlin have subsections to themselves. The tone of these subsections shifts to a more matter-of-fact portrayal, often focusing on the pragmatic aspects of sex work, such as economics, legal regulations, and urban settings. The lack of sensationalism in these descriptions reflects a tendency to treat sex work as a more mundane, integrated aspect of life within “civilized” communities. However, this contrast between the two types of societies raises concerns about cultural bias. The more elaborate and sensationalized descriptions of sex work in “barbaric” societies might stem from a tendency to romanticize or demonize these cultures, perpetuating stereotypes that are far from accurate. Conversely, the more focused and pragmatic descriptions of “civilized” societies might mask the systemic issues and challenges facing sex workers, such as exploitation, marginalization, and social stigma.
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