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55 pages 1 hour read

Fear and Loathing On the Campaign Trail '72

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 1973

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Chapters 12-14Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 12 Summary: “August”

Thompson is back in Miami for the 1972 Republican National Convention. As he returns to his hotel with beer in the days after the convention, he talks to the “master pimp and carmeister” (318), Bobo. When quizzed about his work, Thompson responds that he will struggle to compress “about two hundred hours of work into sixty seconds” (321). Nevertheless, he delivers his quick summation of the convention: Nixon exchanged an improved chance of winning the 1972 election for the Republicans struggling in 1976. His theory is that Nixon is invested only in himself and his ability to accumulate power. Should he win in 1972, he will not be able to run again in 1976. As such, his choice of running mate is important. Nixon has selected Spiro Agnew, thereby setting up Agnew as the presumptive nominee in 1976 (should Nixon win). The Old Guard of the Democratic Party, fearing loss of power to the left-wing George McGovern, will tacitly accept Nixon’s victory in 1972 in exchange for the opportunity to run against Agnew in 1976.

Like McGovern, Agnew is from the more radical wing of the party, and Nixon has ushered them into power, believing that their presence will give him a temporary opportunity to win a massive victory at the expense of the Republicans’ future electoral success. The Old Guard Democrats believe they will beat Agnew easily in 1976 by running someone like Ted Kennedy. This is why Thompson thinks Nixon and the Old Guard Democrats struck an implicit deal for 1972 to swing to Nixon so that the 1976 and 1980 elections can swing to the Democrats. Nixon, Thompson notes, has a “keen understanding” of such Machiavellian matters. Amid Thompson’s speculations, he occasionally mentions “that Watergate case” (331), the break-in at the offices of the Democratic Party at the Watergate hotel, which (at the time) was slowly emerging as the scandal that destroyed Nixon’s second term and caused him to resign from the presidency.

Thompson describes his experience at the convention. At one point, he got lost in the hallways and found himself swept up in a “spontaneous demonstration” (333) that was organized by the Nixon Youth workers. He took part in the demonstration, even though he was still wearing a pro-McGovern badge. When the participants ventured out onto the floor, Thompson was one of the most vocal in his aggressive shouts at the media. He also describes checking into a hotel with Tim Crouse when he was certain that Mankiewicz attacked him and ran away. He reflects on the New Hampshire primary and how its unique use of personal politics helped McGovern in the early stages of his campaign. Thompson recalls when, in the early days of the campaign, he talked informally with McGovern in a dining hall while few people were interested in him. That disarmingly frank version of McGovern seems to have completely disappeared, especially in the wake of the Eagleton debacle. Thompson dislikes Eagleton and his politics, viewing Eagleton as “a peace offering to the Old Politics gang” (350), the same establishment Democrats they just beat to the nomination. McGovern believed he needed their support to beat Nixon, while Thompson is sure that the Old Guard was more likely to support Nixon’s tacit offering than McGovern’s takeover of the Party.

Thompson suggests that the victory in the California primary was the high point of McGovern’s campaign; everything since then has been political miscalculations, infighting, and institutional resistance. Since the institutional Old Guard refused to back McGovern, they will “tacitly deliver their own supporters to a conservative Republican incumbent, instead of at least trying to rally them behind the candidate of their own party” (355). Cracks have formed in the foundation of McGovern’s presumed power base. As Thompson prepares to leave Miami, he recalls an antiwar protest during the Republican convention. He describes the “ominous sense of dignity” (362) about the Vietnam veterans protesting the war in rigid silence. The protest was eventually deescalated but left a lasting impression on Thompson. Nothing they could have done, Thompson believes, could have stopped Nixon from accepting the nomination and running to win four more years.

Chapter 13 Summary: “September”

Following the Republican National Convention, Thompson attempts “to forget about politics for a while” (372). He dreads returning to campaign coverage, especially when it becomes apparent that his work will mostly be laying the groundwork for an inevitable post-mortem of the McGovern campaign. He also wants to cover Nixon. Should Nixon win, Thompson fears, then he will be “free to do whatever he wants” (373) in the next four years. Thompson is astonished that the voting public could not tell the difference between men like Nixon and McGovern. Nixon represents “the dark side of the American spirit” (373).

Thompson spends some days with the presidential press corps, much to the displeasure of the Secret Service, who seem less than thrilled by his presence. Nixon makes little effort to hide his dislike of the press. Covering the Nixon campaign, Thompson notes, is dull and difficult compared to the party atmosphere surrounding the doomed and “ham-strung” (382) McGovern campaign. McGovern is working to connect with the Old Guard of the Democratic Party at the expense of his previous effort to distinguish himself from the Washington elite. He moved his operations into the building once occupied by Muskie’s campaign, which Thompson presents as a symbol of McGovern’s realignment toward the center.

Thompson predicts that the trailing McGovern campaign will make up ground on Nixon over the coming months but will not do enough to win the election. He will lose the popular vote by 5.5%, Thompson suggests, and do “far worse in the electoral college” (387). In a footnote, he acknowledges that he was wrong: McGovern lost by almost 23%. Thus, Thompson must accept the idea that Nixon will be reelected. McGovern’s mistakes, Thompson bemoans, are nothing compared to the terrible deeds that “greedy little hustlers” (389) like Nixon carry out every single day.

Chapter 14 Summary: “October”

Thompson would “rather not write about the 1972 presidential election at this time” (390) due to circumstances beyond his control. He plans to vote for McGovern on November 7 but feels resigned to an inevitable Nixon victory. McGovern differs starkly from Nixon, he believes. Nixon represents “that dark, venal, and incurably violent side to the American character almost every country in the world has learned to fear and despise” (391). He staff are caught daily in “nazi-style gigs that would have embarrassed Martin Bormann” (392), Thompson notes, yet Nixon maintains a 20-point lead in the polls.

Chapters 12-14 Analysis

The coverage of the Republican National Convention is markedly different than the coverage of the Democratic National Convention. Whereas Thompson was personally invested in McGovern securing the nomination but then horrified at the chaos that ensued, the Republican National Convention fills him with dread, foregrounding the theme of Fear and Loathing. The conversation with Bobo is a neat rhetorical device whereby he sums up his feelings by speaking them to a separate character rather than communicating directly with readers. The conversation is an example of exposition in that Thompson communicates his thoughts to readers in such a way that he describes the immediate dread he feels at realizing what Nixon has done. His theory is that Nixon traded his electoral success for the support of the Old Guard Democrats, offering them the next two elections should they not support McGovern in this one. Since Nixon will not be able to run in 1976, he only cares about 1972, so he has handed over his party to the extreme right wing as a way to allow the Democrats to present themselves as the reasonable party in the next election, when they are free from the seemingly also radical McGovern. Thompson realizes the horrific complexity of the plan while standing in a hotel driveway, fumbling over his words, adding drama to the moment. Rather than using omniscient narration, he shares the horrifying realization in an emotional way, which thematically supports Gonzo Journalism and Radical Subjectivity. He is not pretending to be objective; he is just as scared and horrified as he presumes readers may be.

Thompson couples his terrified comprehension of Nixon’s plan with an increased presentation of Nixon as the ominous villain in the story. In a narrative sense, this is a product of the end of the primary campaign. Having secured the Democratic nomination, McGovern is free to focus on his biggest opponent, thematically developing The Fight Against Institutions. Tragically, however, he is never able to confront Nixon. Thompson’s prose reflects this. While he details the unravelling of the McGovern campaign from up close, depicting it as gruesome and tragic, he must observe Nixon from afar. Nixon sits behind the White House fence, insulating himself from scrutiny, while his opponent makes mistake after mistake. By doing nothing, Nixon strengthens his position. The polls extinguish Thompson’s brief flash of optimism as he realizes that the American electorate is much more disposed toward an insidiously cunning villain like Nixon than a good man like McGovern. Thompson excoriates Nixon, but in doing so, he is criticizing the electorate who could vote for such a candidate. His increasing depictions of Nixon as a villain mirror Thompson’s renewed pessimism about the American people. As his hope fades, he sees Nixon as more villainous and venal than ever.

By October, Thompson has abandoned all hope. The October entry in the book is short and to the point: Thompson does not want to (and possibly cannot bring himself to) write about the American presidential election. He was a cynic before, a man alienated from the political system who had no plans to vote for Humphrey. McGovern’s rise to the nomination gave Thompson a little flash of hope, which makes the seemingly inevitable loss all the more painful. Before Thompson could enjoy his optimism, McGovern’s campaign fell apart. The short October chapter is a reflection of the bleak mental state of a political journalist who briefly rediscovers hope in politics only for the forces that support a cynical and fearful American mindset to immediately and resolutely quash that momentary optimism.

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