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A Midwife's Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard, Based on Her Diary, 1785-1812

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 1990

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Chapters 2-3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 2 Summary

This chapter begins with several diary entries from September 1788, describing the usual medical visits, the records of births and deaths, and a particular focus on weaving and societal interconnectedness in Hallowell. 

Ulrich’s central focus in this chapter is examining the role of women in society and the economy in colonial and postcolonial America. Ulrich describes the metaphor of the “social web,” writing:

For eighteenth-century Hallowell, the metaphor is apt. [A] ‘web’ was a quantity of thread woven—or about to be woven—in a single piece, as on September 5, 1788, when ‘Dolly finisht her web 44 1/2 yds.’ Most textile entries in the diary document a personal relationship as well as a process: ‘Polly [Savage] wound & warpt & I drawd in Mrs Williams webb’ (91).

In what seems like unimportant details about weaving and fabric in the diary, Martha illuminates the connectedness of society and how women’s work in the economy was often communal. 

Ulrich continues the metaphor of the web with a description of Dolly (Martha’s daughter) weaving a web of blue and white thread to make a blue and white checkerboard, some squares only white, some only blue, and some a mixed shade of light blue. Ulrich argues that the white thread can represent women’s activities and the blue thread can represent men’s activities. Some activities bring men and women together, making a light blue square, while some activities separate them, leaving the squares only white or only blue. 

 

Ulrich argues that the division between men and women’s roles relates to the difference between private and public contributions. Noting that women lacked a “political life,” Ulrich writes that “they did have a community life. The base of that community life was a gender division of labor that gave them responsibility for particular tasks, products, and forms of trade” (93). Political life was designated only for men, but women found ways to contribute to the economy themselves, especially through the production of goods such as fabrics. The diary entry on September 9 outlines a “skein of linen warp” Martha gave to Mrs. Savage (94). Mrs. Savage spun 40 double skeins for Martha, so Martha gave her a skein in return. This bartering system demonstrates the economy that existed among women outside of the public sphere run by men. It also shows how the textile economy of Hallowell was “collaborative” and “communal” among the women of the town. The bartering system and collaborative textile effort further demonstrates the link between economic interests and interpersonal relationships in Kennebec. Though there were occasional suits between neighbors over some debts, for the most part, the community was sustained by lending, borrowing, and cooperation.

Martha’s household had an intricate structure when it came to weaving and textile production; Martha and her daughters Hannah and Dolly did the spinning, while Ephraim and their sons obtained the materials necessary for weaving, which demonstrates the cooperative but separate natures of the gendered family economies. Hannah’s and Dolly’s weaving abilities also allowed Martha to increase her midwifery duties. Daughters in the community often moved between different houses to learn new skills; Hannah and Dolly stayed at home due to their weaving abilities, but a number of Martha’s nieces came to stay and work in her house. Other women in the community—relatives, neighbors, and domestic workers—also came to the Ballards’, a total of 39 women between 1785 and 1800. These women also went out into the community to offer medical care and nursing to ill women, such as when Dolly helped her older sister Lucy Towne through her “broken breast” after the birth of her fifth child. In return, Lucy sent a helper to their sister Hannah after the birth of Hannah’s child. There were no enslaved people in Hallowell during Martha’s life, so this exchange of domestic labor worked to sustain the female economy within the gendered industry of textiles.

Martha’s diary contains many entries that detail such exchanges, representing just a fraction of the economic exchanges Martha had with her neighbors. Entries also contain a list of comings and goings of neighbors, though not always including what the neighbors and Martha did. At the end of the diary are a list of Martha’s expenses in 1795 and 1796. Though the list is incomplete, it offers a glimpse into some of the things Martha purchased and some of the debts she settled with her neighbors. Her expenses/bookkeeping are scattered and inconsistent, and the only consistent logs were those of payment for her midwifery services. In the entries themselves, “there are only three items in her daily entries that appear to be totally systematic: births, the weather, and her own whereabouts. If there is a fourth consistent category, it is names of visitors or of persons visited” (109).

Martha’s diary hints at the socioeconomic statuses of various men and families in town, but she is explicit in utilizing the titles of the men. Women are all “Mrs.” or “Miss.” Women were invisible in the town records, while most men were given some arbitrary title or office, offering a number of titles for Martha to address them by.

Chapter 3 Summary

The entries in Chapter 3 range from late September-October 1789. Ulrich focuses the chapter primarily on the rape accusation that Mrs. Rebecca Foster—wife of disgraced minister Mr. Isaac Foster—levels against several men in Hallowell and the resulting trial. The town historians of Hallowell did not record Rebecca’s story, though they made many notes about Isaac’s ordination, conflict with Henry Sewall, and dismissal from the town. The only archival evidence of Rebecca’s ordeal and the other details of her life are from a few court records and several entries in Martha’s diary.

On October 1, 1789, Martha wrote, “Mrs Foster has sworn a Rape on a number of men among whom is Judge North” (125). This is a departure from the usual rhythm and content of Martha’s diary. Ulrich writes that the accusation “is an ugly tear in local history, an unexplained rent in the social web” (125). Rebecca’s story is entwined and informed by the controversy her husband faced as minister in the town. The story of the Fosters in Hallowell, glimpsed through entries in both Martha and Henry Sewall’s diaries, provides “insight into the religious complexities of the town, into Martha’s own religious temper, and ultimately into her response to the trial for rape” (125).

Isaac Foster became minister in Hallowell after a selection committee, including church members like Ephraim Ballard and non-members like Colonel Joseph North (Judge North), as the minister in the community had an “ecclesiastical and civil responsibility” (126). Henry Sewall often had private meetings of Christian men who shared his specific theology at home, and they rejected several candidates because of their theological interpretations before the arrival of Isaac Foster. Shortly after, however, Sewall took issue with Foster’s theology, proclaiming it to be “Arminian Doctrine” (a Dutch offshoot of Calvinism). Martha, however, was a more liberal Christian, concerned less with theological specificity about the afterlife and more concerned with the teachings about caring for one’s neighbors. Sewall and his group fought against the ordination of Foster but failed to stop it. For the rest of Foster’s time as minister in Hallowell, Sewall boycotted the public worship services and continued hosting private faith meetings at his home.

The Fosters moved into the Ballards’ neighborhood, and a relationship between the families flourished. Martha held “maternal solicitude” for Rebecca, staying extra days to nurse her after the birth of her second child. Martha was likely upset by the way other townspeople treated the Fosters. Isaac Foster brought Henry Sewall and his cousin Thomas Sewall before Judge North for slander in January 1787, after Ephraim attempted to broker peace between the groups by visiting Thomas to encourage him to stop “spreading ills.” Foster won the trial, and though Henry Sewall sought a second, more formal trial, it never took place. Ulrich notes that, though Sewall had access to more of the world than Martha due to his gender and societal status, his world was small, jumping from “indigo square to indigo square, from courtroom to town meeting to the gatherings of saints, with little awareness of the finespun fibers between” (132). Ulrich illustrates how Sewall, despite his apparent self-importance, lacked a nuanced understanding of the underpinnings of his community and how the society around him truly functioned. 

Sewall and Foster continued their dispute in the courts with various defamation suits, and Foster defended himself from some Boston creditors in a separate case. In the meantime, Martha continued to nurse the ill in the community (such as Rebecca Foster) and deliver laboring women (such as Tabitha Sewall, Henry’s wife), demonstrating the separate spheres of Martha’s and Sewall’s lives. 

By October 1788, Foster was dismissed from his position as Hallowell’s minister. The issue was as much with the system as with Foster himself; religious diversity was increasing in New England, and no one minister could theologically appease an entire town. Religious pluralism was increasing in acceptance as well, as a century earlier, Sewall’s absence from church services would have resulted in a fine. Sewall and his like-minded group founded a new church in Chester, given that several of them technically lived in Chester and were entitled to their own church. 

Foster remained in Hallowell for a year after his dismissal, settling debts that rapidly came due as the fractured social web made neighbors clamor for repayment. During this time is when Rebecca Foster was allegedly raped. In August, Martha visited Rebecca several times, but when the trial loomed, Martha wrote a long entry about what Rebecca told her during those visits, which is the only surviving evidence in the case. Rebecca told Martha that people threw rocks at her house and tried to break in since Isaac temporarily left town, but that was not the worst that had happened; she hoped they would not kill her, since “they Could do nothing wors than they had unless they killed her” (137), clearly alluding to rape. Martha was impressed by Rebecca’s testimony during the trial but was in a difficult position: Judge North was both powerful and Ephraim’s employer. Martha asked Rebecca if it could have been Jack North, Judge North’s son, hoping to shift the guilt to a person less powerful. 

Judge North was charged with “intent to ravish and carnally know” (139), a lesser charge than rape, which was a capital offense. According to the indictment, Elijah Davis assaulted Rebecca on August 3, followed by Joshua Burgess on August 6 and Joseph North on August 9. Ulrich writes, “Her cryptic comments to Martha about people throwing stones at her house and striving to get in and lodge with her are transformed in the formal accusation into a week of terror” (140). Sewall notes the trial as an “affair” in his diary, more concerned with the legal proceedings than the terror a woman in his community faced. Martha attended the trial throughout the summer of 1790. Davis and North attempted to disparage Rebecca’s character, with North’s defense suggesting Rebecca could have mistaken him for someone else. A complication in the case was Rebecca’s pregnancy; eight and a half months after the alleged assaults, she gave birth to a daughter. Depending on when Isaac left town, the pregnancy may have forced her to share what happened to her, as she could not hide the evidence. During the trial, Martha remarked that some evidence against North was “surprising,” indicating how “damning” it must have looked. The indictments were dropped, and the Fosters left town, with Isaac turning to alcohol misuse and Rebecca experiencing a mental health condition, if gossip is to be believed. 

Later entries in Martha’s diary from this time indicate that the Ballard family moved from their rented home to a new house, and Martha began her garden. The men’s milling work was temporarily disrupted by the move, but the women’s textile economy continued relatively unchanged. The presence of Martha’s daughters and nieces allowed her to dedicate more of her time to her midwifery practice, which was growing, and her garden and animals. The new house was easier to reach for messengers, so Martha could hear about and attend more deliveries, eventually attending over 50 deliveries a year.

Chapters 2-3 Analysis

The themes of The Role of Women in Society and the Economy in Colonial and Postcolonial America and The Daily Life and Work of a Midwife in Early America come to the fore in these chapters. Chapter 2 launches into an in-depth evaluation of the economy of Hallowell and the greater Kennebec River area during Martha’s life, paying special attention to the differences between the work performed by men and women. Through Martha’s diary, Ulrich extracts evidence of a primary economy in textiles; at home, Martha and her daughters would weave, then utilize, barter, or sell the fabric and materials that they made. In this part of the household, Martha was in charge, while Ephraim and her sons worked in the mills or in the more arduous, physical labor of farming. Though women’s work was less traditionally recorded or lauded, Martha’s diary evidences the ways in which women constructed their own economy. 

However, the division of labor goes beyond what happens inside the confines of a family’s individual farm, and Ulrich expands this to the town and society at large: “In the past twenty years, that notion of ‘separate spheres’ has shaped women’s history. For many, the essential inquiry has been when and how women moved beyond the confining circle of domestic concerns into the larger world” (92). Hallowell is a prime example of what “separate spheres” looked like in practice. Men worked as lawyers, doctors, businessmen, and clergymen, all public-facing roles. Women were kept in the home, doing work that went unseen and, for many years, unappreciated by history. Ulrich writes, “Women’s invisibility in town records reflected the patriarchal organization of society as well as the perishable and invisible nature of their work” (119). Fabric is “perishable,” as are people, so women’s work sustaining the healthcare and textile industries in Hallowell would be even more invisible without the descriptions in Martha’s diary, once again highlighting the importance of the diary as a historical document. 

The shared and communal nature of the textile economy is another notable aspect of women’s work: “Housewives traded goods and labor, employed their own and their neighbors’ daughters, and reckoned accounts independently of their husbands” (101). Not only did women manage their economy, but they operated a system of apprenticeship under which daughters traveled among different houses to learn different trades; though Martha’s daughters stayed home to practice weaving with their mother, other girls came and went to work and learn, such as Martha’s niece Parthenia Barton. The trade element of the textile economy also allowed women to collaborate, trading different fabrics in exchange for other goods, or at times, assistance, such as when Martha gave Mrs. Savage a skein of fabric in exchange for her work weaving 40 skeins. This collaboration extends to the medical realm, too. Martha was a midwife and attended many births, but she also sent her daughters and nieces out to nurse ailing women after birth, which further demonstrates how communal the work of women was.

Ulrich shifts to a darker moment in Hallowell history in Chapter 3 as she discusses the controversy surrounding the theology of Reverend Isaac Foster and the alleged rape of his wife, Rebecca. The tension in the town over theological differences is outlined in both Martha’s diary and Henry Sewall’s diary, though Ulrich cautions that these theological differences amount to more than arguments over “doctrine”: “[The] diaries help us to see the web of human connections and personal commitments that often underlay abstract arguments about ‘Arminianism’ or ‘free will’” (128). Sewall argued that his greatest issue with Foster was his belief in Arminianism, a Dutch offshoot of Calvinism that proclaimed that God’s grace was resistible and that pushed against the idea of predestination, purporting that man had to earn salvation. Calvinism, on the other hand, proclaimed that God was in ultimate control of mankind and that one’s behavior had limited effects on one’s salvation. This difference in religious opinion was complicated by the human desire to exercise control, as evidenced by Henry Sewall’s hosting religious meetings in his own house and later helping to establish a rival church in nearby Chester. Religion’s Role in Everyday Life in Late 18th-Century New England appears in this conflict, as religion and politics merge through this power struggle: Whoever oversaw the most dominant religion had the most power and social capital.

Following Foster’s dismissal, his wife Rebecca reported both harassment and a series of rapes by several powerful men in town. That Martha testified on her behalf and confirmed the accounts Rebecca shared before her latest pregnancy—which could have been the result of rape—represents Martha’s own power, particularly since one of the men accused was her husband’s employer. Ulrich contextualizes how crucial Martha’s testimony was, writing, “She could affirm that Mrs. Foster had mentioned ‘abuses’ by Joseph North just ten days after the alleged assault occurred and before any pregnancy could have been confirmed” (148). In court, as in her living room, Martha thus served as an advocate for Rebecca. This was part of Martha’s social obligation to the women she cared for as a midwife, further illustrating the depth and breadth of the work of a midwife in early America. She was not only a pair of hands to guide a woman through a trying medical experience, but also an ear to listen and confide in.

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